"CITIZEN, PICK UP YOUR LITTER": CCTV evolves in Britain
By: Meghan Murtha
July 17, 2007
Planning to litter, hang around looking intimidating, or just
generally be a public nuisance in England? Careful where you do it.
This past spring, Britain, already host to more video surveillance
cameras than any other country in the world [2], rolled out a new crime
prevention measure: ‘Talking CCTV’ (closed-circuit television).
Government officials describe the new development as “enhanced CCTV cameras with speaker systems [that] allow workers in control rooms to speak directly to people on the street.” The ‘Talking CCTV’ initiative is just one component of the British Home Office’s Respect Action Plan a domestic program designed to tackle anti-social behaviour and its causes. [3]
What this means in practice is that when staff, operating from an
unseen central control room, observe an individual engaged in
anti-social behaviour they can publicly challenge the person
using the speakers. At the moment the one-sided conversation is
relatively unscripted, although workers are expected to be polite. The
first time a member of the public is spoken to about her behaviour, she
hears a polite request. If she complies, she is thanked. If not, she
can expect to hear a command . If she fails to correct her behaviour, the anti-social individual may find surveillance footage of her alleged infraction splashed across the evening news.
While ‘Talking CCTV’ may be novel, video surveillance is nothing new
in Britain. It is estimated that a person living and working in London
is photographed an average of 300 times a day. [4] One commonly quoted
figure is that there is one surveillance camera for every 14 people in
Britain. [5] This year the government is spending half a million pounds to set up ‘Talking CCTV’ in twenty communities and it is likely that the program will be expanded in future funding cycles.
Critics of the program argue that the money spent adding speakers to
existing surveillance cameras is being wasted. The human rights
organization Liberty contends
that 78% of the national crime prevention budget in the past decade has
been spent on CCTV equipment without proper studies conducted to assess
whether or not the expenditure is effective. The organization argues
that spending the same percentage of the budget to increase the number
of law enforcement officers on patrol would go a lot further to
improving public safety. [6]
‘Talking CCTV’ supporters, on the other hand, cite statistics that
would please any elected official. In Middlesbrough, where the pilot
program took place, officials claim that the system adds an “additional
layer of security”:
But measured against what? In their 1999 study of CCTV in Britain,
Clive Norris and Gary Armstrong demonstrated how government and law
enforcement officials often present CCTV as a panacea without proving
it provides the dramatic results attributed to it. Their review of the
numbers suggested that, throughout the 1990s, publicly-quoted figures
about the benefits of CCTV were often inaccurate or did not tell the
whole story, yet they were used to convince taxpayers to buy into the
surveillance system. [7] This is not to say that Middlesbrough is
faking its numbers. It is quite likely that 100% of individuals
exhibiting the anti-social behaviour of littering, who were publicly
reprimanded when caught on camera, put their garbage in the bin as
directed.
The ‘talking’ modification to the existing CCTV system is being sold
to the public as a way to clean up the streets and create a safe,
law-abiding community. The Home Secretary, John Reid, states that the
new measure is aimed at “the tiny minority who make life a misery for the decent majority.”
Safe, clean streets sound great but one academic has noted that public
debate about CCTV tends to be shaped more by the government’s focus on
how technology can improve law and order and far less on other, more
complex, issues about the appropriateness of using the technology. [8]
Government employees now have a powerful tool to single out and
shame an individual in public. The fact that “100%” of litterbugs in
Middlesbrough obeyed the authoritative, disembodied voice ought not to
be underestimated. They likely did so out of shame and embarrassment.
Before signing on to such a program, it is worth noting that video
surveillance operators, no matter how well-intentioned they may be, are
human and they bring their very human biases to their jobs. Norris and
Armstrong’s 1999 study showed that the workers watching the monitors
disproportionately targeted males, youths, and black people as
surveillance subjects. [9] Biases may change depending on the era and
the community. The past few years, for example, has seen an aggressive
crack-down on panhandling in Liverpool, along with laws designed to
minimize youth loitering about urban shopping districts. [10]
Will youth people, the urban poor, and members of visible minority
communities be disproportionately targeted by ‘Talking CCTV’?
Officially, the answer is likely to be “no” but it has been observed
that:
Unequal relations between rich/poor, men/women, gay/straight and young/old are precisely relations
that have been managed and negotiated through state activities via
combinations of welfare, moral education, and censure and exclusion
from public space. For some who inhabit our cities, their identity,
through the eyes of a surveillance camera, is constructed in wholly
negative terms and without the presence of negotiation and choice that
middle class consumers may enjoy. [11]
Public shaming of individuals engaged in so-called anti-social
behaviour may result in British cities ‘designing away’ social problems
as those who are targeted too often by authorities will find other
spaces in which to spend their time. [12] The rest of the community may
find itself enjoying litter-free streets and ‘Talking CCTV’ will be
given credit. But it will all have happened without the benefit of
serious public debate about whose behaviour is anti-social
behaviour and why that makes people uncomfortable. Britain has been
trying to rid itself of anti-social behaviour for a long time now and
it seems unlikely that a few talking cameras will get to the root of
the problem.
[1] http://www.forbes.com/2007/06/11/urban-surveillance-security-biz-21cities_cx_cd_0611futurecity.html
[2] Clive Norris et al., “The Growth of CCTV: a global perspective on
the international diffusion of video surveillance in publicly
accessible space.” Surveillance & Society 2:2/3 (2004).
[3] Anti-social behaviour has been seen as such a problem in Britain for the past few decades that the Crime and Disorder Act 1988 gave it a legal definition and criminalized it. That was followed by the Anti-Social Behaviour Act 2003.
Legally defining the problem doesn’t appear to have helped much as the
government continues to struggle with anti-social behaviour across
Britain.
[4] Clive Norris and Gary Armstrong, The Maximum Surveillance Society: The Rise of CCTV
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999): 3. (Note that this was a 1999
study. While this continues to be the figure quoted it is possible the
number has increased in the past eight years.)
[5] Clive Norris et al., “The Growth of CCTV”.
[6] Norris and Armstrong also quote the ‘78% of the budget’ figure in
their 1999 work. It is unclear if this continues to be the expenditure
or if Liberty is quoting their work. See Norris and Armstrong, The Maximum Surveillance Society: 54.
[7] Norris and Armstrong, The Maximum Surveillance Society, 60-7.
[8] William R. Webster, “The Diffusion, Regulation and Governance of Closed-Circuit Television in the UK,” Surveillance & Society 2:2/3 (2004): 237.
[9] Norris and Armstrong, The Maximum Surveillance Society: 109-10.
[10] Roy Coleman, “Reclaiming the Streets: Closed Circuit Television,
Neoliberalism and the Mystification of Social Divisions in Liverpool,
UK,” Surveillance & Society 2:2/3 (2004).
[11] Coleman, “Reclaiming the Streets”: 304.
[12] Bilge Yesil, “Watching Ourselves: Video surveillance, urban space and self-responsibilization,” Cultural Studies 20:4 (2006).
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